Tuesday, July 7, 2015

獨立媒體與網路世代 - 新世紀的公民監督(一)

講者  李惠仁導演



23年前,一位服裝設計系學生在畢業展上對創意做了大膽的詮釋;但他充滿想像的創作卻被保守的老師認定”不符合規定”。這場分歧扼殺了一位新銳服裝設計師,卻意外造就一位在多年後投身公民監督的獨立記者。這位設計系學生就是李惠仁—”不能戳的秘密”導演。他在畢業前兩個月棄學當兵,退伍後改讀新聞,並先後在多家電視台擔任攝影記者。2008/02/12連勝文的長子誕生,當天--包括李導演任職的電視台--臺灣的主流平面及電視媒體爭相報導這則新聞。無數SNG車和攝影機層層包圍位於中山北路上的醫院,這個荒謬的現象讓李導演決定離開電視台,從此成為一位獨立記者。這一天是前副總統長孫的生日,也是李惠仁身為新聞工作者的重生之日。

不能戳的秘密 - 農委會背上的一根芒刺

李導演採集病死雞檢體、委託研究機構進行分子生物實驗,一步步揭露政府官員涉嫌隱匿高致病性禽流感疫情、以及官官相護的共犯結構。禽流感爆發初期,政府宣稱傳染原是侯鳥,僅以消毒相關區域做為因應措施。之後,隨著情流感疫情加劇,面對李導演對於政府隱匿疫情的質疑,農委會官員在記者會上表示:”高致病性病毒的主要判定標準為臨床上大量死亡現象,而非分子生物檢驗結果。因未出現大量死亡的疫情報告,臺灣的禽流感疫情不屬於高致病性”。這個參考國際規範、考量臺灣特殊情形、經由專家學者分析和綜合判斷後的結論是:政府並未向臺灣民眾或是國際組織隱匿禽流感疫情,因為研判當時的感染屬於低致病性。然而在紀錄片公開首映後7個月,農委會招開緊急記者會公布:”經由民眾通報,臺灣首次驗出高致病性禽流感病毒”。巧合的是, 一場討論進口含瘦肉精美國牛肉的專家會議將在這場記者會隔天舉行。面對這樣的巧合,李導演製作了另一部紀錄片 不能戳的秘密2—國家機器 進一步揭露政府官官相護的共犯結構。這部續集質疑政府規避媒體監督,以及執政黨強力護航失職官員。首先,當時的農委會主委(陳武雄)在記者會中,面對李導演的諸多提問,多次實問虛答後,最終以直接離席做為回應。執政黨的禽流感調查報告未檢討可能涉及瀆職以及偽造文書的失職官員,卻提出李惠仁條款— 國定動物傳染病的檢驗報告,除特定公家機關,任何人不得公開疫情。此外,國民黨立院黨團書記長吳育昇發出甲級動員令,阻止將相關農委會官員送交檢調單位調查。最後,李導演在本次活動中透露:根據他的調查,在宣布將組成專家小組調查瘦肉精安全性時,其實政府已經決定開放進口含瘦肉精的美國牛肉。兩部紀錄片指控政府草率制定公共衛生政策、規避媒體監督,官僚系統利用國家機器袒護失職公務員、選擇性地引用定義及採信實驗結果。

媒體被豢養,人民被馴服

除了分享紀錄片的拍攝過程及內容,李導演亦表達對於臺灣媒體生態的憂心。近年,媒體服務政治的例子在臺灣屢見不鮮。農委會涉嫌隱匿報告與證據,進而造成病毒演化、禽流感疫情擴散便是一例。新聞媒體背離平衡報導和維持中立的原則,逐漸成為政府政令宣導的的工具、政策的傳聲筒。基於特定政治或是商業目的,即使市場規模有限,仍有多於市場需求的媒體在臺灣運作。面對同業間的激烈競爭,電視台要求其新聞記者以有限的資源和時間裡完成一定數量的報導。不理想的大環境同時限制了新聞傳播的廣度與深度。新聞工作者為求有效率地完成工作,其報導往往聚焦於高度受關注的議題,卻僅是轉述政府官員的發言或節錄相關人士發表於社群網站上的文章。媒體面對生存壓力,放棄理應堅守的客觀立場變成不得不的妥協,進行深入報導被視為不符合經濟效益的做法。政府和財團藉由其經濟力量豢養媒體,置作、傳遞特定且單一的新聞內容。民眾長期被動地接受大量同質性高卻片面的新聞,便在不知不覺馴服於特定價值觀。李惠仁導演的另一部作品蘋果的滋味對於臺灣當前的媒體生態有非常生動、詳細的紀錄。

專家政治 

李惠仁導演預告今年會完成不能戳的秘密3,這部作品將會探討學術界與官僚系統之間盤宗錯節的關係。身為利益共同體的一員,少數研究工作者選擇和技術官僚共同捍衛個人利益、放棄對於學術倫理的堅持。導演表示:前教育部長蔣偉寧的論文抄襲事件,只是學術倫理崩壞的冰山一角。當政府官員掌握分配國家研究經費的決定權,依賴政府經費從事研究的專家學者,在政策制定的過程中,可能被不肖官員利誘或綁架為特定政策背書。當民眾因為官員引用了學術研究結果,便傾向於支持相關政策,這種對於專家先入為主的信任,使得專家意見成為政府爭取民意支持的重要助力。對權威意見的迷信造就了臺灣的專家政治—少數公民因為具備某些專業知識或學位,其對於公眾議題的發言和立場,於決策過程中被賦予較高的權重;而一般大眾或非相關領域人士,則被質疑專業性不足,因此其意見常常不被採納。導演分享了一段前臺北市長郝龍斌和小學生討論其鮮奶政策的影片。片中郝市長數度糾正造訪學生引用的資料錯誤,並說明自己是在臺大教營養的博士。市長的回應讓一位與會的學生沮喪地表示:”一個權威者在那裏搬弄知識而已”。在專家政治掛帥的臺灣,這場博士與小學生的對談,不令人意外地,小學生自始至終不曾被賦予充分表達意見的機會。

文字: Meng-Yun Lin

Sunday, May 31, 2015

Mixed? Sino-American Transnational Families and Mixed Identities, 1842-1943


鄉關何處:華裔美國人的跨國家族與多重認同--從1842到1943年


Speaker: Dr. Emma Teng

在全球化的今日,不同族群國家的人們相戀通婚、混血兒的存在早已廣泛被接受與認同,很難想像在近150年前,跨種族的婚姻如何遭受歧視與限制。
在這場波士頓哲學非星期五的活動,MIT的Dr. Emma Teng帶我們回到1842到1943年間,用幾則生動的故事,一窺當年移民到美國的中國人與西方人通婚的景況。
在1849年後,大量的中國移民湧進美國,這批移民多為男性。除了為這片新大陸帶來不同的專業與技能並改變了美國人口組成的分佈,他們低微的工資也衝擊著美國的勞工市場。幾乎無法讓女性移民的政策也阻擋了這群中國男性移民在美國與華人女子結婚的機會,被迫與非華人的女子通婚。


1861年起,針對中國人的反種族通婚法令也紛紛在各州通過,時期分為1861-1910年間以及1910-1950年間兩波。這些法令不僅因州而異,法令內容更是朝令夕改。在這個時代,反對種族通婚的理由是沒有事實根據的,像是認為混血兒在生物科學上而言可能會有不孕、智力低下、壽命減短等等的基因缺陷;宗教上,更搬出上帝將不同人種分別安排在五大洲以水(海洋)隔開,一定是想阻擋這種現象的神諭。
儘管限制重重,在各個時期都都依然可聽聞種族之間通婚並組織家庭的事例。一般認為,種族通婚是民權運動大量發生後才有的現象,但在此之前就已發生,只是早期為了要保有門風,常常會隱瞞種族通婚下混血兒的血緣真相。像是歐亞混血兒第二代的Lady Clara Ho Tung (何東爵士夫人,1875-1938),常被認為是中國人。以及於1930-1940年間在香港出生長大的Eric Peter Ho (何鴻鑾),在1940年間因為他叔叔 Walter Bosman的出現,才突然被他父母告知他具有英國和荷蘭血緣。他們為與國外惡魔 [foreign devils   〕有所連結而感到羞恥,所以傾向隱匿異族通婚身份來飽足顏面。因此,異族通婚後代的身份在這個時期仍然多不被公開。


然而,早年的重重困難並沒有阻擋種族通婚,其中最大驅動力大概就是「選擇權」的緣故了。所謂「選擇權受限」的因素,歸咎於只開放中國男性移民、卻對中國女性移民諸多阻撓的移民政策,加上中國傳統上男主外女主內的觀念束縛了女性離開家門,導致美國的中國移民族群出現男女比例極度不均的現象。
那麼,這些歐亞混血兒(Eurasian)又或是跨種族婚姻家庭中的小孩(Eurasian 的歐亞混血兒),在那個時代中成長又面臨什麼樣的處境呢? 以上海為例,歐亞學校(Eurasian school)的設立就是刻意將這些具有美國或歐洲血統、天主/基督教背景的孩子們區隔出來,對他們特別實施西方英語的天主/基督教育。但同時也將他們與「純正的歐洲後裔      」(pure European descent)完全分隔出來。
Dr.  T eng也舉了幾個種族通婚的例子可以讓我們探討反種族通婚法的影響:
容閎(Yung Wing),在1854年於耶魯學院畢業,是第一個在美國大學畢業的中國人。他在1875年和美國白人女子Mary Kellogg結婚。由於當時社會反對異族通婚的情節較薄弱,他們的婚姻還刊登於當年的紐約時報上,該報並大肆報導婚禮的華麗隆重,像是婚禮禮服使用中國進口的蠶絲且做工精細。另外,基督教師 Rev. J.Twichell的主婚,對於如此的種族通婚留下正面的影響,也順道完成了Twichell將基督教精神傳播至美國之外的宏願。雖然若干年後,Yung Wing還是受反種族通婚法(於1882年通過)影響,其國籍身分也遭質疑。


Mae Watkins  and her children
另一個故事,是Mae Watkins和黃天福的婚姻。當時兩位都還是密西根大學得學生。當他們於1912年結婚時,當地的報紙以醜聞的方式報導他們的婚姻,導致密西根大學逼迫就讀的兩人退學離校。之後,夫妻倆被迫回到中國,因為根據1882年針對移民勞工的「排華法案」(Chinese Exclusion Act)黃天福無法拿到美國國籍。但是回到中國後,黃天福夫婦又面臨中國反對留學生與外國人通婚的法令問題。所幸,黃家接受了外國媳婦,Mae本身也相當努力融入中國傳統文化,不只學了中文和廈門話、也學習用筷子吃飯、接受中國食物等等。Mae Watkins和黃天福夫妻倆在1918年,因舊金山的一個機會回到美國。不幸黃天福在此次家族返美的旅行中得到西班牙流感而過世,不久後,Mae也患病去世,留下身分國籍極具爭議的孤兒子女們。孩子們最後搬回密西根與祖父母Watkins一同居住,但由於「排華法案」的關係,他們一直未能歸化美國籍,直到1940年間才有定論。
中美通婚的演進,由1842年至今有幾個重要的里程碑:1860 年代,居住美國的華人族群中只有5%為女性,這個數字在1920年代也才上升到了12%。這男女比例懸殊的數字,促成男性中國移民必須與不同種族的女子通婚。19世紀中期以後,紐約的中國城內,異族通婚的比例成為大宗。在1908-1940年間紐約中國城總計有50 %是跨種族的夫婦,同時期波士頓亦有異族通婚的現象。直到1965年,「移民與國籍法」(Immigration and Nationality Act)的通過,廢除了1920年對移民人數的總額限制(約100人/年)。另外,具有劃時代意義的民權法案判決是美國最高法院在1967年6月12日的Loving v. Virginia判例,讓人種為一黑一白的Mildred和Richard Loving夫婦有合法的婚姻,同時也宣告反種族通婚的法令無效。到了2010年的近代,27.7%的亞裔新婚夫妻為異族結合。美國的普查資料也顯示人口自我認同為中為「混血」的比例自2000年至2010年增長了32 %。
本次哲五討論中也提到,除了跨種族婚姻的比例隨時代增加,其組成比例也有所不同。早年因為中國移民美國的男性受限於男女比例的不均,於是「中國男性+非華人美國女性」的婚姻組合占多數,而這些女性並不限於白人,他們包含了歐裔美籍,非裔美籍,墨西哥裔與美國原住民。二次世界大近年由於戰後,由於美國開放軍人帶亞裔外國妻子返鄉,以及移民的開放等等,造就「美國男性+中國女性」的婚姻比例上升。

這些曾經遭受排擠阻礙的種族通婚,漸漸隨著時代以及全球化的影響成為被接受、被慶賀的事情。Mary Kellogg & Yung Wing以及Mae Watkins & 黃天福的後人也都以先祖為箇中先驅而引以為榮。

In today’s globalized world, there are many interracial relationships and marriages as well as children of mixed racial background. Interracial marriages as well as mixed racial identities have been widely accepted in the discourse of the mainstream society nowadays. In this context, it is difficult to imagine a reality that interracial relationships were discriminated against, and in fact illegal in many states, less than a century ago. The May, 2015 Cafe Philo offered a historical review looking at the context that fostered certain identities of Eurasian children between 1842 and 1943, introduced by Dr. Emma Teng.

After 1849, large numbers of male Chinese immigrants started to came to the US. They not only brought new technologies and skills, but also changed the demographic make-up of the US population. In addition, they were accused of being "cheap labor." Legal restrictions that made it difficult for Chinese women to immigrate to the US resulted in an unbalanced sex ratio in Chinese American communities. Chinese immigrant men who wished to form families in the US often had little choice but to marry outside their own racial group.

Beginning in 1861, anti-miscegenation laws against the Chinese were passed in various States, roughly with two waves between 1861-1910 and 1910-1950. The laws were diverse with respect to the legal definitions of what constituted miscegenation for each State. The language of the laws also changed frequently. To boot, the reasons behind anti-miscegenation laws were often unfounded. For example, some scientists during that time argued that mixed-race children are genetically inferior, thus are more likely to be infertile, mentally impaired, and/or short-lived. To complicate matters further, many religious leaders also promoted the idea that there was a reason that God divided the different races on five different continents and separated them by water, citing it as evidence of God’s gesture and intention to separate different races and to eliminate interracial contact.

Despite all the support surrounding anti-miscegenation legislations, interracial unions, albeit infrequent, still can be found during that period of time. While modern perception considers mixed marriages as a post Civil Rights phenomenon, it had occurred much earlier. The identities of the offsprings of these marriages were often hidden or made invisible because of shame and stigma. Examples of this include Lady Clara Ho Tung (1875-1938), who was a second-generation Eurasian, but considered by many to be Chinese. Eric Peter Ho, too, was born and raised in Hong Kong in 1930s, and he was not aware of his mixed racial background until 1940 when his uncle Walter Bosman appeared, and his parents suddenly informed him of his mixed British and Dutch heritage. This stemmed from the fact the family was deeply ashamed of their connection to "foreign devils," and preferred to keep their mixed racial identity a secret to save face.

Difficulties during this early era did not stop miscegenation, however. In addition to individual preferences, a major driving force of interracial marriages is the "limit of choices”: immigration policies of the day severely limited the number of Chinese women who could immigrate to the US. Combined with the traditional Chinese social value that considers men as the breadwinner of the family and women as homemakers, women were kept from leaving their home to explore the world, resulting in an overwhelming imbalance of male-to-female ratio within immigrant Chinese communities in the US.

The question remains, what happened to the Eurasian children, namely, the children from the families of interracial marriages? What challenges did they faced growing up in that era? In Shanghai, for example, a Eurasian School was deliberately established to segregate children of American or European (i.e. mixed-raced) descent, giving them a Western and Christian education while keeping them completely separated and differentiated from the children of so-called "pure European descent."

Dr. Teng also presented some examples of early interracial marriages to explore the impact of the anti-miscegenation laws:

Yung Wing is the first Chinese university graduate in the US, who graduated from Yale University in 1854. In 1875, Yung Wing married Mary Kellogg--a white American woman. With minimal anti-mixed marriages sentiment, their wedding was reported in the New York Times with the main focus on praising the luxuriousness of the wedding, such as the intricate nature the wedding dress using fine silk imported from China. The fact that the Rev. J. Twichell presided the wedding had a positive impact and paved the path for interracial marriage. This marriage also helped Twichell fulfill his goal of bringing Christianity beyond American lands. However, several years later, Yung Wing was still affected by the Chinese Exclusion Act, passed in 1882, and his US citizenship was called into question.

Another story is Mae Watkins and Tien-Fu Huang’s marriage, who were both students in university at the time of their marriage. They were married in Michigan in 1912. Unfortunately, the local newspaper painted a scandal-like picture of their marriage, which also resulted in the university administration forcing them to drop out. Tien-Fu Huang was unable to naturalize as a US citizen based on the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Law, leaving the couple with no choice but to return to China. After returning to China, the couple faced another problem of Chinese policy prohibiting students studying abroad from marrying foreigners. Fortunately, Huang’s family accepted Mae into the family. Meanwhile, Mae made huge efforts to fit into Chinese culture, such as learning the language and dialects, using chopsticks and accepting Chinese cuisine, and conforming with social norms for women of that time. The couple returned to the US in 1918, for an opportunity in San Francisco. Tien-Fu unfortunately contracted the flu shortly after their family’s pilgrimage back to the US, and passed away.  Mae also fell ill during that time, and their children were soon became orphaned.  The children ended up moving back to Michigan with their grandparents, the Watkins.  Despite having spent most of their time growing up in the US, due to complications with the Chinese Exclusion Act still, they were nation-less until the 1940s, when they were finally naturalized as US citizens.

There were a few milestones of the evolution of mixed Chinese-American families from 1842 until now. In 1860, the Chinese population in the US was only 5% female, and by 1920, this had only risen to approximately 12%. Therefore, early Chinese immigrant men had little choice but to marry outside their group. Beginning in the mid-19th century, interracial marriage became the dominant form of marriage among Chinese in New York's Chinatown. On average between 1908 and 1924, approximately 55% of married Chinese in New York were in mixed marriages. These marriages took place in the Boston area as well. In 1965, the Immigration and Nationality Act eliminated the national origins quota system. Along these lines, the decision of the US Supreme Court regarding Loving v. Virginia invalidated the law prohibiting Mildred and Richard Loving’s interracial marriage on June, 12, 1967, achieving a civil rights landmark. In 2010, 27.7 % of Asians first-time newlyweds are in interracial marriages. Nationally, people who identify themselves of mixed-raced background grew by 32% from 2000 to 2010, based on the US Census data.

In the discussion of this month’s Cafe Philo event, it was mentioned that as the percentage of interracial marriages increased, the racial makeup of these marriages has also skewed with time – in the early days, Chinese immigrant men mostly married Euro-American, African-American, Mexican, and Native American women. After World War II, the trend has shifted because returning veterans were allowed to bring their spouses from Asia back to the US, and the immigration law loosened, increasing the ratio of the unions between an American man and a Chinese woman.

Interracial marriage was once under many restrictions and hindrance. Over time, it has become something that is celebrated today. The stories of the pioneers, like Mary Kellogg & Yung Wing and Mae Watkins & Tien-Fu Huang, have greatly honored the progress of their era.

與會合影

文摘:Margaret Way, Meng Chun Chiang, Chia-Chun Chung, Herbert Chang, Yi-ying Chou
攝影:Chia-Chien Wu



Sunday, April 26, 2015

Can the World Social Forum Process help strength democracy movements?


Jason pramas (left) and Suren Moodliar (right)



While writing this summary, there was a large scale upheaval in Baltimore, MD. And the city just enlisted National Guard and curfew to ‘fight’ riots and looting. This is not the America (yes I mean the United States of) I imagined when I traveled all the way from Taiwan with the so-called American Dream to this great nation, for the doctoral degree that I believed will one day provide me a better life. This is not the America that the Founding Fathers of this nation envisioned. Or maybe they did envision this kind of society, a utopia of the 1%, by the 1%, and for the 1%. Then aren’t we (the 99%) all doomed?

Just like the Lead Organizer of Boston Social Forum Jason Pramas mentioned at the beginning of his talk to CafePhilo@Boston participants, “United States is viewed, from outside, a rich and wonderful country. This is not true. United States has a long history of racism….” Born in 1966 to a Greek-origin Boston working class family, Jason has involved in numerous labor activities since he was a teenager. He saw the change of ideologies and policies of the nation during 60s and 70s, which culminated during the reign of Ronald Reagan and (on the other side of Atlantic) of Margaret Thatcher. By embracing neoliberalism, which revolved around laissez-faire economy, deregulation of monetary system, free-trade, and globalization, the living condition of US labor deteriorated, as well as their children’s education opportunities. Jason later on participated in several campaigns to fight for labor rights, and to speak up for immigrant workers as well as contingent workers. These and other events (for instance the 1999 Seattle WTO protests and the 2001 World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil) led to the inception of Boston Social Forum (BSF), an Agora-like event open to public for discussions and to envision the future of society, which was held at UMass Boston in July 2004. More than 5000 people participated the event, with 550 different programs, over 3 days.(Boston Social Forum: http://bostonsocialforum.org/archive/)

Suren Moodliar, who was the Program Coordinator during the BSF, later explained that a major purpose of Boston Social Forum was to connect people and communities in order to share ideas freely, and to create an open space such that right matches can be made. It was neither a coalition nor an alliance of parties. It was the attempt to construct the space. This also made people to think about the nature of capitalism, since the developmental dynamic capitalism is to transition commonly-held spaces to privately-owned properties, which led to the ultimate reduction of public space. For example, if everything is kept in private, there can be no shared awareness of social problems. For instance as long as an individual treats their own unemployment as a private matter, then public social movement may not emerge to address this problem. And due to the violent history of this nation and its oppression to certain social groups, BSF was also doing its best to reach out to people-of-color and immigrant communities. Despite the fact that their main funding came from donations, they still managed to raise 0.25 million for the event. This approach is entirely different from the methodology of some NGOs and philanthropists, which in the end is not tackling the real problems.

Although it seems to me that these activities, including BSF, other social forums took place in US, and more recently the Occupy movements, barely change the course of this country, I think there's still hope as long as people continue to participate in discussions (especially the ones that people can talk to each other face to face). As told by Suren in response to one of audience's question, “In 1985, demonstrations in South Africa always led to police killing protestors. And the burial of those people will lead to greater protests and yet more police violence. This seemed to be an endless negative cycle. But the situation was changed after 5 years (Nelson Mandela was released from Victor Verster Prison and the negotiation to end Apartheid started). The irregularity will come, so we’re expecting the change will come in the future.” So, maybe we're not doomed and the social forums are the birth place of new (and perhaps real) democracy. To conclude, let me quote a line from David Graeber's The Democracy Project: “The real origin of the democratic spirit - and most likely, many democratic institutions - lies precisely in those spaces of improvisation just outside the control of governments and organized churches.”


在撰寫這篇文字記錄的同時,馬里蘭州的巴爾地摩正經歷一場大規模暴動;該市剛宣布實施宵禁,並招來國民兵以鎮壓動亂及偷竊等犯罪行為。這和我想像中的美國差異甚遠;這完全不是我當年那個心目中,充滿「美國夢」和工作機會的自由大陸。這應該也不是那個美國開國先父們 (Founding Fathers) 想像中的美國大陸;又或許這的確是他們想建立的社會-一個由上層百分之一的人們所統治、所擁有、所追求的烏托邦;如果這個國家的核心價值真的是這樣,那我們 (或至少美國人民) 的未來還有救嗎?

如同波士頓社會論壇 (Boston Social Forum,以下簡稱 BSF) 的主要組織人Jason Pramas 在演講的開頭指出:「從外面來看,美國是一個富強而美好的國家。這並不是真相。美國的種族歧視有很長的歷史…」。1966年生於一個希臘移民兼藍領階級家庭,Jason從青少年時期就積極參與各種勞工運動。他見證了美國在 60 和 70 年代意識型態及政策的轉變,在雷根和柴契爾 (英國) 當權的時候來到了新自由主義的全盛時期:自由放任的經濟體制、貨幣系統的去管制、自由貿易、以及全球化,都造成本土勞工生活品質的惡化,以及勞工子女的受教機會下降。Jason 之後參與了許多爭取勞工權益的抗爭運動,並為外籍勞工與約聘工作者發聲。這些經驗以及其他發生在世界各地的社會運動,例如 1999 年西雅圖 WTO 的抗議行動和 2001 年於巴西 Porto Alegre 舉辦的第一場世界社會論壇 (World Social Forum),都成為舉辦 BSF 的契機。BSF 於 2004 年七月在 UMass Boston 舉行,是一個公開的論壇式活動,人人都有機會發表、討論各種關於未來社會的可能性;超過五千人參與了這場有五百五十個不同活動、超過三天的公共論壇。

Suren Moodliar,BSF的活動協調人,接著解釋了BSF的主要任務是在聯繫不同的人與社群,使他們能夠自由地交換意見,並且開創新的公共空間,讓更多連結能夠被建立。這有別於派系間的整合與結盟,而是企圖去建立那個公共空間的過程。這樣的過程也會讓人們去思考資本主義所帶來的影響:資本主義的動態發展是個消弭公共空間、將之轉換成私有財產的過程。舉例來說,如果所有的事務都只能被放在私領域,大眾對於社會問題就不會有共識 (例如失業問題)。再加上這個國家本身充滿暴力的歷史,以及國家對特定族群的壓迫,BSF 也盡可能地去接觸有色族群及移民社群。最後,雖然 BSF 的主要資金來源仰賴捐款,他們仍為這活動募得了 25 萬美元;這樣的做法也有別於一些非政府組織及慈善企業家,並未把錢花在解決真正的問題上。

雖然我感覺這些社會運動,包含 BSF、其他社會論壇、以及幾年前的佔領華爾街運動,尚未對這個國家的政策方向造成太多影響;但如果這樣公共論壇式的討論能夠在各地持續下去,我想社會還是有機會改變。Suren 在回答其中一位聽眾的問題時提到:「1985年時,在南非的示威遊行總會導致警察槍殺抗議者,而埋葬這些屍體的場合又會導致更嚴重的抗議活動,這看起來就像個血腥的輪迴。但五年後情況居然有了重大的轉變 (曼德拉獲釋、廢除種族隔離政策的談判開始)。不尋常的事總會發生,所以我們得期待未來會發生轉變。」所以,或許我們還有救,而各種社會論壇就是新民主的誕生地。最後,我想引用 David Graeber 在 The Democracy Project 裡的一段話:『民主精神的真正起源,以及許多民主體制的建立,都恰好落在那些政府及教堂控制以外的即興空間。』

Reference 參考資料:
Boston Social Forum 波士頓社會論壇: http://bostonsocialforum.org/archive/
Encuentro 5: http://encuentro5.org/

Note by Chi-Feng Pai

Photo: Chia-Chun Chung

與會合影


[Outline of the presentations provided by Suren]

Jason:
-          Economic Insecurity is Now the Norm in the United States
o   This contrasts with the 1960s when steady jobs with benefits and retirement pensions, etc. and public education were strong and available to the majority of the working class and appeared to move in the right direction for people of color too with the Great Society programs
o   Now we have the right of contingent employment—temp, day labor, partime, contracted, outsourcing—and neo-liberalism which is more than a set of ideas, it is a set of policies and practices
o   Organizations emerged to fight neo-liberalism and its expression in employment, contingent work
o   These organizations are different from traditional trade unions and parties but do focus specifically on employment issues
-          By the time of the Boston Social Forum, these Organizations Are in Crisis
o   Funding is running out (due to several sources, including economic downturn)
o   Organizations tend to be narrowly focused on one or other part of the problem
o   Need to escape the traditional non-profit mindset to achieve mission
-          Social Forum offered a model to experiment with and to get groups out of their silos
o   Open space (Agora)
o   Spontaneous collaborations
o   Assert and demand that there is an alternative to capitalism and its neo-liberal phase

Suren:
-          The Boston Social Forum recognized that the Open Space model had its limits
o   Needed to address the original sins of America – invasion of Native American land and genocide of its people together with the construction of a White Republic based on African labor power
o   Deliberate outreach to communities via organizations from the communities that were involved in the social forum process
o   Achieved that goal but could not produce an integration of movements and races at the social forum
-          US Social Forum happens three years later with a 10x larger budget
o   Successful at engaging people of color, indigenous people, GLBTQI communities, and people with disabilities
o   Focused on involving organizations that organized about working class people of color
o   Much more deliberate focus on the realities of inequalities within the US
-          World Social Forum process
o   Draws lines between Global North and South by occurring opposite the World Economic Forum
o   Becomes a platform through which “untouchability” on a global scale can be addressed; similarly involving indigenous people
o   Now influenced by the Arab Spring
o   Next iteration takes place in Montreal in 2016

Additional points emerging during the discussion:
-          The left is about more than protest; it builds alternatives including cooperatives, new forms of wealth, credit unions, sustainable agriculture, etc.
-          Derive optimism from the fact that people with extreme challenges are fighting and resisting and sometimes winning small victories – e.g.
o   Native Americans or First Nations in Canada stopping hydrofracking
o   Movement for equality involving gay marriage
o   Gender equality and role of mass entertainment
-          “Revolution comes like a thief in the night” – unexpectedly!
-          Massive wealth inequality does not mean we are permanently deprived of the resources to make social change
o   Foundations are not our allies especially ones like the Gates Foundation which tend to donate in ways that perpetuate corporate rule
o   Social change occurs when people utilize the resources around them, especially those that cannot be measured in monetary terms
§  E.g. consciousness raising groups than formed the basis for the women’s liberation movement and that ultimately changed western civilization
§  Not even the wealthiest foundations could afford to pay people to conduct the necessary conversations that made up consciousness raising
§  Social change movements always involve the almost spontaneous release of resources on a scale that surpasses anything foundations can measure.